Germans, fellow nationals, my German workers, when I speak to you today and thereby to millions of other German workers, I have more right to do so than any other. I have grown out of you, once stood among you myself, spent four and a half years of war here in your midst, and then worked my way up slowly through diligence, through learning—and I can say—through hunger. In my innermost being I have always remained what I was before. However, I never counted myself among those who at that time turned against the interests of their own nation. I was convinced that the fate of the nation must be represented, for otherwise the entire people would sooner or later suffer terrible harm. That is what separated me from the others who, in that critical time, ultimately turned against Germany.

Not only the German people, but other nations as well, are witnesses to the effects of this treaty. The theory that the defeated must remain forever in their legal status leads to a new hatred in the world, to eternal unrest, to insecurity and mistrust on one side and bitterness on the other. The world was not satisfied, as was declared at the time, but on the contrary, it was plunged into ever new conflicts and ever new disputes. And just as irrational was the second thesis: that one must also destroy the defeated economically so that the victor may fare better economically. An irrational thesis that runs through the entire Treaty of Versailles like a red thread and ultimately leads to the attempt, over the course of ten years, to burden the economy of a great people on the one hand with unbearable loads and on the other hand to destroy it as much as possible, cutting off all opportunities.

We then experienced the consequences of this, how Germany was finally forced, in order to meet its economic obligations, to throw more and more of its products onto the export market under all conditions, and how international competition began, how political guilt was gradually transformed into economic debt. And it is natural that many interested parties would turn against this. It is understandable that the organizations which formed the two classes want to live, that organizations must perish when their basic idea is shaken; it is understandable that they resist the one who shakes it, but in the end it must be eliminated. One cannot allow a people to perish because certain organizations want to exist. In the end, a people does not live for theories, not for programs and not for organizations, but all of that must serve the life of a people.

And today we are experiencing the same thing again on a much larger scale. The conflict among nations and the hatred between them are cultivated by very specific interested parties. It is a small rootless international clique that incites nations against one another, that does not want them to come to rest. These are people who are everywhere and nowhere at home, who have no soil on which they have grown, but who live today in Berlin, tomorrow just as easily in Brussels, the day after tomorrow in Paris, then again in Prague or Vienna or London, and who feel at home everywhere. (Interjection: “Jews”) They are the only ones who can be described as international elements, because they can conduct their business everywhere, but the people cannot follow them.

The people are bound to their soil, bound to their homeland, bound to the living conditions of their state, of the nation. The people cannot follow them. The farmer is fixed to his land. The worker is bound to his workplace; when it collapses, where is he helped. What does international solidarity mean today. All theory in a time in which need cries out everywhere and peoples must struggle hard for their existence. It was not the intellectual classes that gave me the courage to begin this gigantic work. Rather, I can say this: I only gained the courage because I knew two strata, the farmer and the German worker; I knew them.

When a man earns a name through his own strength, a name known by every child in the nation, then he needs no titles; he requires none of that. I came and took this position with only one single thought: now to realize what I had preached for years. For I can never become more than I am. But I would like the future to one day confirm to me that I honestly and decently tried to realize my program. The present can offer me nothing. I think only of the future. And I wanted to work, and we have worked, and in these nine months we have achieved something enormous.

Perhaps there is someone among you who cannot forgive me for having destroyed the Marxist parties. But, my friend, I destroyed the others just as well; both are gone. I know many will say: “Yes, you also could not place all the unemployed.” I never said that from the beginning. I said you must give me four years’ time. It is very easy to say: “All wheels come to a standstill if our arm wills it.” But it is hard to set the wheels in motion again once they have stopped. I said, if one has acted insanely for fourteen or fifteen years, then you cannot expect someone to come and fix everything again in a few weeks or months.

If that were so, then all of us would have been criminals. If it were that easy—no, I said, you must give me four years. Now nine months have passed. When I came, Germany had over 6.2 million unemployed, and now there are 3,710,000. That is an achievement over nine months that can be seen. But one thing I know, and those who today incite hatred against Germany and this international clique that so slanders the German people—none of them has ever heard even a single bullet whistle. And today I can say only one thing: in these nine months we have occupied ourselves only with our people, studied only our tasks, wanted only to solve our tasks.

And I am of the opinion that other statesmen would do well if they also wanted only to solve their own tasks. I declared that the German people had only one wish: to be allowed to become blessed in their own fashion; they should leave us in peace. We do not interfere in their affairs; they should not interfere in ours. In these nine months I have not taken a single measure that could have offended anyone, that could have hurt another statesman, that could have injured a people. Not a single word has been spoken by us that they could have perceived as slander or insult or anything that might touch or concern them.

On the contrary, in these nine months I have always declared that the peoples need only become reasonable and not allow themselves to be incited against one another by this small international clique. They say, you do not mean it honestly. I say, what should I do for you to believe it. I am prepared to come to an understanding with you. They say, you want to separate us—why would that even be. My fellow nationals, I believe that in such a time one must be very firm and above all not yield a single centimeter of one’s rights. I am convinced that if anything shakes peace and produces discord, it is such an unequal distribution of rights.

In one’s own life as well as in the great life of nations. And I would become a liar toward the German people if I were to promise them an economic improvement of their situation without at the same time demanding their equal rights in the world. For one cannot exist without the other. They shall see that what I declare is not the language of a chancellor, but that the entire people stands behind it as one man, man by man and woman by woman. What is united today is the German people itself among one another. For centuries it attempted its fate in disunity and achieved dreadful results.

I believe it is time that we now attempt fate in unity, that we now undertake the attempt to shape our fate in an inseparably connected community, and I am the guarantor in Germany that this community will not tip in favor of one side. You can see me as the man who belongs to no class, who belongs to no tribe, who stands above all that. I have nothing except the bond to the German people.

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Hey, sowwy I saw youw pwofiwe and I just thought you wooked cute in youw pictuwe, I weawwy wanted to teww you that)) it's weawwy wawe to see giwws pwaying video games haha! I don't know its a guy thing honestwy im wike weawwy against misogyny and wike iww be the one in the kitchen making sandwhiches. we shouwd weawwy pway w4d2 sometimes its a weawwy coow zombie game with a wot fo scawy moments, but dont wowwy Iww be thewe to pwotect you ;) sowwy that wasnt fwiwting I sweaw Im just twying to be fwiendwy i weawwy wike youw pwofiwe pictuwe sowwy was that too faw? weawwy sowwy im weawwy shy I don't go out much haha add me on skype we shouwd tawk mowe you wook weawwy nice and fun xxx

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